Choose one of the subjects Term Paper Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Choose one of the subjects - Term Paper Example Legalization processes involve giving prescriptions of legalized drugs, providing licenses to legal drug dealers, such as hospitals, enforcing laws on any sale of drug to a minor, and advertising the rules and regulations that go hand in hand with drug legalization among others. This provides general awareness to the whole population. Drugs are legalized to avoid causing negative externalities on others, to reduce public spending on health, and to avoid upsetting people who are not in contact with the drugs. Through legalization, contagious drugs and premature deaths are avoided. Prolonged periods of drug use results in addiction. As a result, the drug addicts become violent and commit crimes to generate money to buy drugs. Jensen (2) asserts that most drug addicts were criminals even before they started using these drugs. These criminal acts involve stealing, killing and even kidnapping others to raise funds to buy the drugs. Through these acts, the users and non-users are affected. The prices of these drugs are determined by unregulated market, which is led by demand. This leads to high prices of drugs resulting in massive crime acts. To reduce these acts in the economy, the government imposes rules and regulations on drug users who are found to be committing crime and violating the public. The market prices are regulated by lowering the prices, which translates to reduced prices. For example, cigarette smokers will not steal from the public to buy cigarettes and thus crime rates will be reduced. Air pollution caused through smoking cigarettes and bhang will also be reduced. Wilkins and Scrimgeour (334) argue that the illicit market produces low quality drugs, which lead to a rise in the number of violent criminals. The street crimes then rise so as to finance these drugs. Tax imposition on these drugs maximizes the social products and the quantity of the drugs that are being produced. The pigouvian tax framework

International marketing Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3000 words

International marketing - Essay Example It provides the facility of discounts at Mulberry shops to its shareholders who own the 500 shares with the company (Morley 2011). The company operates on a large scale, having stores throughout the UK and across the world including Europe, Australia, and Asia. It aims at expanding its base by increasing the production of leather bags in the UK. Mulberry Handbags represent the symbol of England’s distinctiveness and style along with the lifestyle of the people of Britain. This brand is mostly preferred by ladies and is one of their best choices. The uniqueness lies in the provision of exclusively designed handbags that are available at reasonable prices. This brand provides products that represent ideal price, design, style and quality all provided at a single point. Mulberry has produced some top class products like Bayswater handbags and Roxanna handbags with the new unique designs styles. Therefore, Mulberry provides stylish and durable handbags at reasonable prices. The co mpany also operates through various online stores that provide handbags of all models and styles to the various consumers in the market (Morley 2011). The company aims to go for internationalisation in India in order to reach new market and expand its customer base. The reason lies in increasing the sales and earns increasing profits by providing uniquely designed and luxury leather goods to the potential customers. India has the second largest population in the world and this will provide the brand a large market space to grow and expand. Situational Analysis The situational analysis has been done in order to analyse the environmental conditions of the Indian market which will help to develop the marketing plan and enforce the expansion strategy in the Indian market. Socio-Cultural Environment Social cultural environment has an important role to play in when a company takes decision to enter international market. This environment includes all the factors that are not included in ec onomical or political aspects. The social cultural environment on broader parameter consists of complete range of behaviours patterns and relationships of the individuals in their personal lives. The basic factors that are included in the social cultural analysis of the market include characteristics of population of the market, values and attitudes and lifestyles and relationships (Hollensen 2008). Mulberry is a company of British origin which is well known for its luxury leather goods. The company is willing to engage itself in international trade by expanding and entering the Indian market (Morley 2011). The company needs to give emphasis on understanding the Social cultural environment of India before taking the final decision to enter the market. Along with this the company needs to understand this to design its products in such a manner that it is able to align its working with the requirements of the country like India it is initiating to enter (Wilson and Gilligan 1997). Com petitive Analysis For the purpose of competitive analysis of the PEST and porter’s analysis of the market is conducted in order to identify the environment which is to be faced by the company willing to perform its functions in India (Fill 2006). The major factors are discussed in detail as under. PEST Analysis Political Factors: This factor indicates the degree of intervention of the government in the functioning of the economy. India is the biggest democracy of the world and type of government

The Future Role of Nursing in Health Promotion Essay

The Future Role of Nursing in Health Promotion - Essay Example According to World Health Organization, health promotion is "the process of enabling people to increase control over, and to improve, their health..."In extension to that, Ottawa Charter for Health Promotion further illustrates health promotion by stating that in order to develop a holistic wellbeing, a person or a community is required to be capable of identifying their needs and realizing their aspirations. In addition to that, satisfying their needs and coping with the environment is also another prerequisite for suitable health wellbeing. Hence, health can be perceived as a tool assisting in a better quality of life and not a purpose of living. This concept further encompasses resources borne by individuals and society along with their physical capacities. Therefore, health promotion is a combined responsibility of society as well as individuals in order to have a long-lasting impact (Keleher, MacDougall, Murphy, 2007). Â  There are five distinct health plan actions outlined by Ottawa Charter (1986). Firstly, developing an extensive public policy is an underlying foundation for further health promotion strategies. Followed by it, developing personal skills, strengthening community actions define how individuals, as well as groups, can play their role in promoting health. Lastly, creating a supportive environment and reorienting health services provide cornerstones of further strategies required to be followed for health promotion.

Examine the importance of avoiding plagiarism Essay

Examine the importance of avoiding plagiarism - Essay Example There are many universities that have proper academic guidelines regarding rules of properly citing the sources taken from various journals, books, or websites. Higher educational studies are a very critical stage for the students and this phase is the starting point for building the career for individuals. They need to pass this phase with good grades for attaining future achievements. Due to being in such a critical stage of studies, there are many cases of plagiarism detected amongst students of higher educational studies. This paper discusses the importance of avoiding plagiarism by all individuals in the academic learning environment. The world we are residing in is the information age where the amount of information available for the general community is there in abundance and also is free of charge. It is extremely easy to plagiarise the work of others due to easy availability and accessibility of the work. There are many research papers available online for users and students who want to copy the work do it from these online sources and other research databases as well. Nonetheless, it is extremely important to avoid plagiarising the work of what other authors have done. By plagiarising, the individual is violating the legal laws of the research work or paper and also the individual is considered to be involved in unethical practices. It is highly unethical act to regard someone else’s work as one’s own. By not acknowledging the person via the right reference techniques, the individual is taking the credit of the work. Some students take the aspect of acknowledging sources is to copy paste the work of the author and then write the name of the author in brackets. This again is not the right of acknowledging anyone’s work and would be regarded as plagiarised work. There have been many research studies conducted that

Grim First-Quarter Results for Newspapers Essay Example for Free

Grim First-Quarter Results for Newspapers Essay This particular article talks about the continuing decline in newspaper subscriptions and purchases by the general public.   Many people believe that the newspapers and all print magazines are well on their way to being extinction.   Many critics believe the reason for this is because the news can easily and efficiently be found and read on the internet.   The world wide web offers a great source of news but beyond that it allows for people to have a discussion about news topics.    This leads to a more well rounded approach to every issue that becomes news worthy.   No longer is the public blindly fed whatever the newspapers want them to read. The public can aggressively seek out information, both sides of the story, on the internet.   Obviously, as an online news reader you have to be good at research and just as good at telling the truth from fiction.   However, I think the decline of the newspaper has very little to do with the internet and blogging. In todays world, newspaper are so focused on selling adds and inserts that they fail to offer the public any interesting information.   Who wants to wade through all the advertisements only to find the information you want squished between what is on sale at the grocery store and whats one sale at JcPenneys.   When you pay for a newspaper you are paying for the news not be manipulated by marketing companies telling you what you should be, buy, and strive for.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Online I can search for exactly the news story I want.   I have direct access to all the information and I dont have to dispose of all those paper inserts trying to sell me shoes.   Newspapers have failed to keep up with the demands on a now much more well informed public.   Instead of having better articles written by better authors to increase circulation (thus increasing profit) they have chosen to fill up every extra piece of space with marketing junk that most news reader could care less about.   Newspapers will die out but only because they believe money was more important than truth. lGrim First-Quarter Results for Newspapers lAd Revenue From Web Operations Become More Important to Publishers By Nat Ives Published: April 14, 2006 NEW YORK (AdAge.com) Newspapers made a bit of a grim display this week when they reported their first-quarter earnings, revealing profit declines at The New York Times Co., Tribune Co., McClatchy Co. and powerhouse Gannett Co., but displayed at every turn the rising importance of the Web to their businesses. The New York Times Co. reported perhaps the brightest results yesterday, even though first-quarter profit fell 68.5% to $35 million from $111 million a year earlier. That apparent free fall, however, mostly reflected the extra income in last years first quarter when the company sold its headquarters in Times Square. About.com boosts Times Co. The Web played a big role in the companys overall respectable results. Ad revenue rose 3.9% in the first quarter to $554.6 million, up from $533.8 million in the year previous quarter. The Times Co. ad increases were largely delivered by About.com; without that property, ad revenue would have increased just 0.7%. Earnings per share were 4 cents, a penny higher than the analysts consensus expectation compiled by Thomson Financial. Our results in the first quarter reflect higher advertising and circulation revenues at The New York Times Media Group and the Regional Media Group, in part due to the introduction of innovative new products, said Janet L. Robinson, president-CEO. But The Boston Globes unit, The New England Media Group, was again hit hard by consolidation among advertisers and a tough competitive environment, she said. Tribune looks to Web assets Another heavy-hitter, The Tribune Co., reported yesterday that its first-quarter earnings also fell to the tune of 28%, with flat ad revenue. The Tribune owns newspapers including The Los Angeles Times and The Chicago Tribune. Tribune expects online ad revenues to contribute about $350 million in 2006; it counts a stake a CareerBuilder.com among its Web assets. McClatchy Co., which agreed last month to buy Philadelphia Inquirer parent Knight Ridder, reported a 14.2% decline in first-quarter net income. Ad revenue at McClatchy, which houses newspapers including the Sacramento Bee, grew 1.4% to $237.1 million. The powerhouse that is Gannett turned in perhaps the most surprising report on April 12, announcing that net income sank 11.5% in the first quarter. Its newspapers ad revenue grew 5.7% to nearly $1.3 billion, but that factors in acquisitions without which first-quarter ad revenue would actually have fallen 1.8%. At its flagship USA Today, ad revenues declined 4.2%.

A Brief Look at the Distribution of Soda Essay Example for Free

A Brief Look at the Distribution of Soda Essay The third element of the marketing mix is place or also called distribution. Distribution is described as the movement of goods and services from the source through the distribution channel, right up to the final consumer and the movement of payment in the opposite direction, right up to the original producer. Distribution is a very significant aspect of the marketing mix; it can decide whether a small business can compete with the big businesses. Distribution takes a major role in the growth stage of the product life cycle due to its ability to not only help sell the product, but to also allow their product to advertise itself. If a company focuses mainly on promotion and never really sets up a good distribution channel, their efforts will be lost due to the lack of ease for a consumer to purchase their product. Even the perfect product, attractively priced and ingeniously promoted, cannot be sold without a means of distributing it to consumers (Russ Kirkpatrick, pg.297). Distribution Channel A distribution channel is the sequence of firms that sell, buy, or hold products as those products move from manufacturers and producers to end buyers (Russ Kirkpatrick, pg.297). Every channel must have at least two members or levels. These levels are the producer or seller, and the user or buyer. There are also two different kinds of members that are known as middlemen, these middlemen are known as retailers and wholesalers. The distribution channel is and will remain a problematic marketing subfunction for most firms because of the built-in conflicts between manufacturer and reseller (Bonoma, pg.49). Manufacturers must work through these different channels to attain diverse markets to reach their ultimate goal; provide their customers with what they want, where they want it, and when they want it. Orange Crush Soda An example would be the soft drink business and how they manage to distribute their product through the different channels so that they are able to distribute in large areas. An enormous consumer goods company, known as Procter and Gamble, decided in 1980 to buy Crush, a soft drink business, with intent to try and compete with Coke, Pepsi, and other large soft drink businesses. Procter and Gamble were famous for being a leader in a great  many product categories because of their marketing powerhouse. P G remained at a serious disadvantage with its big competitors and the difference was distribution. The large soft drink companies had well-established networks of bottlers around the country who mix the products in quantity and distribute them to sellers in their area (Russ Kirkpatrick, pg.296). P G had the capacity to manufacture their soft drinks in large quantities and were able to promote their product well, but lacked the resources to help them distribute their resources arou nd the country. Logistics and Supply-Chain Management Logistics and supply-chain management are part of the distribution strategy. Logistics is the process of coordinating the flow of information, goods, and services among members of the distribution channel (Kurtz, pg.416). Supply-chain management is the control of purchasing, processing, and delivery through which raw materials are transformed into products and made available to final consumers (Kurtz, pg. 416). Manufacturers use these kinds of companies to distribute their product to other parts of the country instead of trying to establish new manufacturing buildings their self. Kane is Able is a logistics company who concentrates on beverage warehousing and logistics. They have 6 warehouses across the United States, which makes it easier for them to distribute across a wide area. KANE works with Coca-Cola to help distribute their product. They use physical distribution to focus on customer satisfaction, inventory control, materials handling, protective packaging, order processing, and warehousing. Well-planned marketing channels and effective logistics and supply-chain management provide ultimate users with convenient ways for obtaining the goods and services they desire (Kurtz, pg. 416). High Costs of Distribution Middlemen are business firms that help the company find customers or make sales to them (Kotler Armstrong, pg.118). Middlemen or resellers make it easier for a company because a soda bottling company can work with a logistics company; such as Kane is Able, who will keep their product in stock, package their product, distribute it around the country, and even promote their product. These services have never been cheap and have actually increased because manufacturers no longer have small, independent  middlemen. Instead they now face large and growing middlemen who have great power to dictate terms or shut the manufacturer out of large markets. Critics charge that there are too many middlemen or that middlemen are inefficient, provide unnecessary or duplicate services, and practice poor management and planning (Kotler Armstrong, pg.520). Consequently, distribution costs are high and consumers end up paying higher prices. Jones Soda Jones Soda is a company who started out in the beverage world as a distributor in western Canada and eventually established itself as a full line beverage manufacturer. Jones was able to utilize its experience and knowledge gained in the distribution industry to create some of its own brands. Jones Soda Co. placed its own coolers in some truly unique venues, such as skate, surf and snowboarding shops, tattoo and piercing parlors, as well as in individual fashion stores and national retail clothing and music stores. Once they were able to execute these means of distribution they began to place their product in convenience and food stores, and eventually in larger chain stores such as Starbucks, Panera Bread, Barnes Noble, Safeway, Target, Cost Plus, Meijers, Winn-Dixies stores, Albertson’s, and 7-Eleven stores. Vertical Marketing Systems Unlike conventional channels, vertical marketing systems are preplanned and centrally managed distribution networks (Russ Kirkpatrick, pg.300). The three different categories of vertical marketing systems are corporate, contractual, and administered systems. Coke and Pepsi are examples of administered vertical marketing systems. Administered systems involve comprehensive merchandising programs that are developed and agreed to by both the manufacturer, or sometimes wholesaler, and the retailer (Russ Kirkpatrick, pg.305). It would be foolish if Coke or Pepsi were to open a store that only sells its product, because it sells best when offered with other products. In an administered system Coke would achieve coordination in the channel through support of other channel members rather than through ownership or contractual agreement. In order for Coke to succeed with an administered system it must be based on mutual respect and understanding. Suppliers recognize the problems, goals, and policies of retailers, while  the retailers respect the manufacturer’s capabilities (Russ Kirkpatrick, pg.305). Conclusion The soda companies that make the most profit are the companies that have a well-established plan for distributing their product. Soda manufacturers must realize that in order to be the best they are going to need help distributing their product. It is a team effort to move a product from a manufacturer, to a retailer, and then to a consumer. There are many different channels available to take in order to reach a consumer, but in the end soda companies will need the help from middlemen in order to compete with big businesses and to become one of the best. References Bonoma, T. V. (1985). The marketing edge. New York, NY: The Free Press. Kotler, P., Armstrong, G. (1987). Marketing: An introduction. Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall Inc. Kurtz, D. L. (2008). Contemporary marketing. Mason, OH: South-Western Cengage Learning. Russ, A. R., Kirkpatrick, C. A. (1982). Marketing. Canada: Little Brown Company.

History of Nationalism in Israel

History of Nationalism in Israel Promised Land, Crusader State: The Rise, Fall and Return of the Covenant Nation A dissertation submitted by 58126 to the Department of Government, the London School of Economics and Political Science, in part completion of the requirements for the MSc in Comparative Politics (Conflict Studies) September 1st, 2008 Word Count: ABSTRACT Several prominent comparativists claim that Israel is an outlier case a unique case study that generally defies most conventional forms of categorization. Such an allegation naturally assumes Israel to be exceptional and its behavior inexplicable. The assumption of Israels uniqueness was born during the marked epistemological shift from behavioral crossnational inquiries to more contextually and historically-derived theories, and has undermined Israels place in comparative politics. This dissertation seeks to place Israel and its behavior squarely back into the mix and up against much of the same scrutiny faced by other nation-states. By shifting again from a contextually and historically-derived theory of nationalism towards a more cognitive and tradition-based approach, centered on the ethno-symbolic approach professed by Anthony D. Smith and John Hutchinson, elements of Israels nationalism and national identity are analyzed as contributing to its existence as a zone of conflict a nd to its violent behavior. An analysis of the Covenant Nation as a new comparative category that presupposes the idea of; (i) a chosen people, in (ii) a Promised Land, that uses (iii) blood sacrifice in order to fulfill a redemptive destiny and a commitment to worldly salvation, is highlighted. Limited comparisons to other covenant nations are drawn where applicable. Introduction: Since 1948, Israel has been regarded by some as an occupying force in the Middle East. That Israel, and Jews in general, could be a conquering and occupying people given their fate in the first half of the twentieth century as a nation without a home, victims of anti-Semitism and persecution is confusing to many. For reasons such as this, Israel has long been considered an outlier case by political scientists (Barnett 1996, ch.1). To the point of emphasis, it is argued that Israel defies most categorization, which has become the methodology employed by comparativists in order to understand states and state behavior. Categorizing usually requires classifying a case study under dichotic, or opposite, adjectives; Israel being neither East nor West, developed nor underdeveloped, capitalist nor socialist, Third World nor First World therefore, becomes difficult to study (Barnett 1996, 7). Furthermore, Israel has routinely been excluded from geographically specific studies or regional studies, since it is often considered an alien entity in the Middle East. However, despite Israels historical particularity, Israel is not an alien entity in the Middle East and its behavior is not inexplicable. While differences certainly exist categorically between Israel and other states, they both nevertheless share many of the same traits and concerns characteristics that might have similar origins. It will be argued that in order to understand Israel, both as a nation-state and as it behaves, one needs to understand Israeli nationalist sentiments. Nationalism in itself is a difficult thing to define. Where does it come from? What does it entail? How deeply is it entrenched? The answers to these questions, and many like them, could explain why a nation-state behaves in the way that it does. There are two major competing schools of thought when it comes to understanding nationalism, (a) the modernists, and (b) the primordialists. The modernists would date nationalism to industrialism, the development of capitalism, or to the French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars. The primordialists, on the other hand, see nationalism as dating back much farther possibly to even before history was recorded. Under this train of thought, Israel might date its nationalism back to the Hebrew Bible. Essentially, it all depends on where in history one chooses to draw the line. This paper will primarily argue that in order to understand Israel as an inherently violent and conflict-laden nation-state it is necessary to move away from the established contextually-derived theories of nationalism and move to one that is more cognitively based. In so doing, this paper will show that Israel is in fact a state like all others. It is not an anomaly, nor methodologically suspect its behavior not inexplicable. Regardless of its ancient historic roots, and despite its recent induction as a state among the family of nations, Israels nationalism should not be analyzed according to the dates of its borders, citizens, infrastructure, or institutions. In a more cognitive approach, Israels nationalism should be understood by the borders, beliefs and people themselves. As such, it will be shown that Israel is the archetypical Covenant Nation a category that exists free from both time and space. Such a theory of nationalism can thus draw on elements from either modern or pr e-modern periods/approaches and need not be based on regional developments or similarities. Israel, like all covenant nations, is inherently conflict-laden. As will be laid out in much greater detail, covenant nations have a strategic culture born of three identifying features/beliefs that make them violent and militaristic in nature. Covenant nations are under a seemingly contractual obligation to defend and secure the idea of; (i) a chosen people, in (ii) a Promised Land, using (iii) blood sacrifice. When the covenant nation theory is highlighted as the root cause of violence, it becomes clear that a solution to the Israeli/Palestinian conflict becomes much more difficult to ascertain. Conflict becomes unrelated to geopolitical realities or existing/imagined security dilemmas, but to an embedded sense of national superiority, a contractual obligation to fulfill the prophecy of the covenant and, derivatively, a commitment to worldly salvation. Thus, while many scholars claim Israel is an outlier case like no other, they are wrong from the outset by trying to assign Israel to conventional and contextual comparativist categories. Israel and its behavior can and should be understood much the same as other states as reactive to its nationalist sentiments, wherever derived. As will be shown, Israel has always been a conquering and occupying nation. It was true of Israels ancient past, it is true of its present and unless a drastic change occurs deep within the embedded (and sacred) structure of Zionism, it will be true of its distant future. The Nation General Definitions and Theories Quest ce-quune nation? Renans question still echoes after more than a century. In recent decades throughout the historical milieu referred to as the post-colonial era a copious amount of interest and attention has been dedicated to the study of nationalism. While no singular definition is agreed on by scholars, for the purpose of this paper a nation will be defined generally as a group that defines itself or is defined by others as sharing common descent and culture [] that also has political consciousness, claiming collective political rights in a given territory (Mann 2005, 11). A nation-state can thus be defined as an entity wherein a nation has its own sovereign state, situated within enunciated and politically defined territorial borders be they universally recognized or not. Scholars of various disciplines have attempted to provide an explanation for the rise, meaning and development of nationalism in human history and societies. The phenomenon of the constitution of nations and national identities, the emergence of national sentiments, the construction of nationhood and nationalist ideologies, appear to all be interrelated constituents of a single phenomenon. Nevertheless, competing theories of nationalism exist the major schism existing between modernists and primordialists. Modernists, such as Gellner and Anderson, assume that the origins of nations and nationalism lie in the structural changes that affected economic and social systems during the industrial revolution at the end of the eighteenth century (Gellner 2006, 48-49), implicitly denying cultural factors. In the opinion of the modernists, the introduction of new means of production and the division of labor caused a restructuring of social relations and the polarization of class interests. Nationalism emerged as a means to promote and direct change through the creation of a popular solidarity as well as a means to protect and promote class interests (Anderson 1991, 113-114). The prevalence of one intention over another brings about the constitution of different political organizations depending on the nature the political system. So to speak, nationalism is identified by the modernists with the process of nation-building a nation being a mere artificial construction fuelled by class interests. The primordialist notion of nationalism contrasts with that proposed by the modernists. Scholars such as Hastings, Smith and Geertz, believe that nations are natural givens (Hastings 1997, 5). Consequently, it is possible to find traces of nationalism and nationhood in ancient times. The feeling of belonging, the acknowledgement among a group of people sharing common cultural, racial, linguistic traits, a common ancestry, history or religion, is a documented fact in history (Smith 1994, 40). Groups tended to bind together by these ties. The proclivity to coalesce around these shared traits, or focal points, brought about the rise of politically and socially organized nations claiming sovereignty over a territory. In fact, it is Anthony D. Smiths many contributions to the theory of ethnosymbolism in particular that figure most prominently in a discussion of Israeli nationalism, and upon which I have based my initial observations and thesis. Ethnosymbolism is founded on the historical origins of nations particularly to their roots in premodern times and focuses its attention on perceptions, beliefs, symbols, rituals, and shared myths and memories. Although the ethnosymbolic approach focuses on subjective cultural and symbolic rudiments, their long term patterning produces a structure of relations and processes [] which can provide a framework for the socialization of successive generations of ethnic and national members (Smith 1999, 14). In more basic terms, the origin and descent of the community are recollected and transmitted to new members of the group by memory as interpreted by earlier generations. This subjective version of a nations origins is understood through ethnohistory rather t han any official historians lens (Coughlan 2001, 160). Before turning to the difference between history and historical traditions on Israeli national identity and behavior in the following section, allow me to first part ways with Anthony D. Smith and highlight our major difference. In War and Ethnicity: the Role of Warfare in the Formation, Self-Images and Cohesion of Ethnic Identities, Smith argues in sum that war has been a powerful factor in shaping certain crucial aspects of ethnic communities and nationhood. He points to Georg Simmels cohesion thesis, which asserts that external armed conflict or the imminent threat thereof produces all internal group solidarity (Smith 1981, XX). In so doing, Smith turns war and its variations into an independent variable that moulds the ethnic community, and invariably the nation. Though I do agree that war and conflict certainly have the ability to accentuate and exacerbate group identity and cohesion, I contend to the contrary that group cohesion is the primary cause of war and conflict. As su ch, war is the dependent variable that finds its existence and explanation in the more common group aggression theory. Thus, it is not war that creates a sense of belonging and community, but a sense of community and belonging that leads to war and conflict and the sense of belonging and community within the Covenant Nation typifies that. The Rise of the Nation-State: Context vs. Cognition To suggest that Israel is in fact an inherently violent nation-state on account of the Covenant, it is necessary to first dispel the myth that all nation-states are violent, and to trace Israels legacy back beyond its establishment. A long-standing assumption among several prominent political theorists suggests that all nation-states are inherently violent because they are forged in warfare. Richard Bean, in War and the Nation State, argues that beginning in the fourteenth century changes in the art of war inextricably led to the rise of centralized states for the purpose of raising taxes (Bean 1973, 220). It is possible, however, that the nation-state by general concept, if not by definition predates medieval changes in the art of war, and certainly Westphalia. Greek city-states, like Sparta, can be seen as examples of very homogeneous societies with developed political structures, taxation, and mutual obligations between government and citizens. Regardless, ancient historical cas es such as these would likely only serve to highlight the linkage between warfare and the birth of the nation-state. On the other end of the spectrum, what can be said about nation-states that have emerged contemporarily? Taking Israel as an example, a state that came into being by means of a vote in the United Nations, it is easy to suggest that the Arab-Israeli wars following its establishment have played a prominent role in the shaping of modern-day Israel. However, shaping by definition is not synonymous with forging. In the first instance, it is my intention to show that nation-states are not forged explicitly in warfare, but on traditions of warfare wherever derived. The purpose is to rephrase the hypothesis that nation-states are forged in warfare into one more universally applicable. For this, it is necessary to first presume that the nation, with its sense of community and belonging, existed prior. It will be shown that; from (i) a nations strategic culture, come (ii) traditions of warfare, which (iii) lead to a greater sense of national identity, on which (iv) nation-states have been forged. In so doing, I move the discourse away from a contextually derived theory of nationalism to a more cognitive-based approach, in which Anthony D. Smiths contributions to ethnosymbolism (as outlined above) figure prominently. A nation-states strategic culture is the obvious place to look for evidence of a war-born society. Strategic culture is defined by Alistair Iain Johnston as an ideational milieu which limits behavior choices. This milieu consists of shared assumption and decision rules that impose a degree of order on individual and group conceptions of their relationship to their social, organizational or political environment (Johnston 1995, 34). Essentially, it all comes down to security. A strategic culture is shaped from a shared sense of self-perception and threat perception of a specific group of people. It is necessary to assume that if a national group has a strong historical sense of war, aggressiveness, victimization, and/or persecution, that these sentiments would play out in their strategic culture, and would limit behavior choice and influence decision-making. Once forged into nation-states these strategic cultures continue to exist, and therefore become good indicators of how groups vi ew warfare and how their states came into being. In order to analyze a nation-states strategic culture properly, it is important to consider that the study of strategic culture itself has two distinct epistemological approaches context and cognition. Those that believe a strategic culture is based in context would claim that the historical record of the nation, even before its conception as a nation-state, is important to study. Basically, the nation-state expresses its national identity based on its national character. Therefore, a states strategic culture is based on its past it is path dependent. On the other hand, cognitivists see strategic culture as an integrated system of symbols (Johnston 1995, 35). Included in this integrated system of symbols are structures, languages, analogies, myths, metaphors, etc. In this approach national identity, as related to strategic culture, is more easily discernable through the study of a nation-states wartime symbols than a nation states wartime history. Carolyn Marvin and David Ingle, in their book Blood Sacrifice and the Nation, also argue that symbols (like a flag) can be very telling indicators that lead one to uncover the nature of nationalism that exists within a state. In Fallen Soldiers, George Mosse looks to nation-states war memorials: cemeteries, songs, poems and commemorations, for clues. Essentially, a nations sentiments regarding warfare might differ from its experience; they might have been shaped or molded. When trying to find the link between the birth of a nation-state and warfare, symbols offer yet another variable to consider. Due to the fact that there are two different ways to approach the study of strategic culture, and by association an element of a nation-states national identity, a clear distinction can be made between proper warfare and traditions of warfare. Traditions, like symbols, need not be based on truth or historical accuracy. There is a tradition of Santa Clause bringing presents to nice children despite there being no assumption of truth behind such a practice and certainly no historical record to legitimize it. Traditions are sometimes developed more because they serve a purpose, than because they truly commemorate something. When considering nation-state formation it is important to properly choose which traditions are worth investigating. Relating to strategic culture, or any issue that shapes a nation-states identity, it is important that a tradition have; (i) solid national support, (ii) outlived the era that gave it birth, (iii) entered the permanent lexicon of national discourse, and (iv) continued to resonate with a portion of public opinion even at a time when it was not directly affecting public policy (McDougall, Ch.1). As will be shown with the case of Israel, traditions of warfare that have passed the scrutiny of the limitations listed above have played a role in developing national identity, and ultimately forging a nation-state. Modern day Israel is a good example of a nation-state forged on traditions of warfare, and not explicitly in warfare. As suggested above the first place to look for evidence of the link between warfare and state formation would be in a nation-states strategic culture. Israels strategic culture has long been dominated by the realist tradition (Dowty 1998, 84). The realist view of security has solid national support in Israel, it has outlived the era that gave it birth, it has entered the permanent lexicon of national discourse, and even during times of relative peace it continues to resonate with a portion of public opinion. Israels strategic culture is not only realist with regards to self-defense, but also in its offense. The leftist scholars who would date Zionism to Theodor Herzls avowedly socialist ideals of establishing a free, humanitarian and egalitarian state in the Jewish homeland to escape the increasing anti-Semitism of late-nineteenth century Europe (Avineri, 1981, 88-89) are shortsighted in their efforts. There is no such thing as nineteenth and twentieth century Zionism it is only Zionism in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The bleak and destructive history of the Jews in Europe plays little significance in Israeli mamlachtiyut, or statism. The traditions that have forged the Israeli nation-state and limit its behavior choices can and should be dated back to the Hebrew Bible. For example, one might choose to examine the myth of the Covenant Nation, and how that played out during the Hebrews first experiment with forging a state following Joshuas invasion of Canaan, as evidence. The invasion represents a realist tradition of conquering and occupying. Whether or not the Hebrew Bible represents an accurate historical rendition or whether it has any academic merit at all is outside the scope of discussion. After all, when providing an account for Israels strategic culture, the scriptures can be analyzed as being contextually historical or as a symbol of cognition. Either way fact or fiction they provide a tradition from which to inherit a strategic culture from, and on which to forge a nation-state. Thus, the argument that Richard Bean makes; that nation-states developed out of the need for a strong central authority to levy taxes due to changes in the art of war, is unconvincing. To the point of emphasis, most modern economic-dependent nationalist arguments are limited when one considers ancient examples of national groups coming together to forge polities within defined and enunciated borders. Cases such as these simply highlight the fact that the forging of a nation-state draws more on myths, sentiments and symbols of collective fear, threat, pride, angst, aspiration, victimization, xenophobia and so forth when grouping together to organize politically. The above sentiments combine to form a strategic culture, from which traditions, national identity and greater cohesiveness are born. The nation-state was born as a response to a need for security; the traditions that transmit that feeling be they contextually or cognitively derived are what inevitably forge nation-states an d determine how violently they will behave. Though it may be true that many nation-states are forged explicitly in warfare (and are established using means of warfare), it is not a universal truth. Instead, it should be argued that nation-states are forged on traditions of warfare traditions that once were prescriptive and later become predictive. Covenant Nations As mentioned above, a strategic culture is shaped from a shared sense of self-perception and threat perception of a specific group of people. It is my assertion (to the contrary of international relations theorists) that Israels strategic culture has nothing to do with threat perception; geopolitical realities and security dilemmas are but moot points. Israel has adopted and further developed a strategic culture based solely on a particular tradition of self-perception that of the Covenant Nation. Defining the term Covenant Nation is not as simple as it may appear; its definition is hard to come by because it involves describing a process more than an entity. Simply put, the covenant is a tradition of ethnic election. The process of ethnic election is a multi-staged process requiring; (i) a sense of being singled out or chosen for a special purpose, (ii) a divine promise whether absolute or conditional made to the chosen people, and (iii) a belief that fulfillment of the covenant leads to worldly salvation (Smith 2003, 48-49). In short, the covenant is a tradition of a contractual agreement between God and His people. Simply put, the Covenant Nation, therefore, is the nation that enters and embodies the covenant. As stated above, traditions need not be based on historical truth or reality; in the ethnosymbolic approach traditions, myths and metaphors offer much the same credence to a debate on nationalism and national identity and thus can serve as an explanation for how nation-states behave. Let me begin by acknowledging that although the term Covenant Nation is rife with religious connotation, I do not intentionally seek to obscure the already blurred lines between religion and nationalism. In fact, I seek to avoid entering the scholarly debate about their ambivalent relationship entirely; I steer clear from scholars like Mark Juergensmeyer, whose work albeit fascinating seeks to compare and contrast the two phenomena and chart their historical interplay (Juergensmeyer 2006, 182). Instead, I point to a recent trend in thinking that sees nationalism itself as a form of belief-system or as a new religion of the people (Smith 2003, 42). George Mosse, in Fallen Soldiers: Reshaping the Memory of the World Wars, discusses how during the interwar period in Europe a civic religion of nationalism was born based on the cult of the fallen soldier (Mosse 1990, 104). If in Germany, for example, a civic religion of nationalism was born based on the cult of the fallen soldier, it c an be said that for Israel a civic religion of nationalism is born based on the cult of the chosen people and the cult of the Promised Land. The Covenant has always been the cornerstone of Israels national identity dating back to primordial times. The Hebrew Bible first marks the covenant that God makes with Abram in Genesis 12:2: I will make of you a great nation, and I will bless you. It is important to note that this verse not only represents the birth of the covenant, but at the same time the birth of the nation highlighting their interconnectedness. The nation and the covenant are thus co-determining and mutually implicating; the two entities are defined by their internal relationship, such that the two entities derive their meaning through their relationship and have no meaning or basis without the other. No reason is given as to why Abram (later Abraham) is selected to head the nation that will come to be known as the chosen people, but we are told that his progeny shall; (i) inherit the land of Canaan, and (ii) outnumber the dust of the earth (Gen. 12:7 and 13:6) outlining the divine promise. In return the covenant nation is obliged to circumcise their children (Gen. 17:7-10) and post-exodus to keep the laws and commandments that God gives unto his chosen people, the holy nation, at Mount Sinai (Exod. 19:4-6). Such are the terms of the covenantal contract; if the Chosen People follow Yahwehs rules, he will give them virtue, peace and prosperity [in the Promised Land]. If they are his holy servants, the scriptures say, he will bless them (Akenson 1992, 16). Furthermore, not only do Gods chosen people benefit from fulfillment of the covenant the whole world does. By fulfilling the covenant it is believed that Gods plan of salvation is advanced; so to speak, the salvation of all hinge[s] on the conduct of a special few (Smith 2003, 51). Therefore, it is to the conduct of the special few that we now shift our attention. If the renowned modernist scholar on nationalism Elie Kedourie is correct when he asserts that nationalism produces a kind of religious fanaticism that lends to conflict (Kedourie 1971, XX), the same must certainly hold true of covenantal nationalism and likely to an even greater degree. As stated earlier, covenant nations come under a seemingly contractual obligation to defend and secure the idea of; (i) a chosen people, in (ii) a Promised Land, using (iii) regular blood sacrifice. Furthermore, the fulfillment of the covenant sets the chosen people apart from other peoples both ethically and ritually: Ye shall be holy; for I the Lord your God am holy (Lev. 19:2). If fulfillment of the covenant that is following the laws and commandments within the Promised Land makes one holy and will lead to worldly salvation for all, than any/all efforts to attain that credo become morally indisputable. A self-r ighteous and realist strategic culture develops whereby any actions taken in fulfillment of the covenant become necessary, justified and self-vindicating. The strategic culture associated with the covenant has thus permeated throughout time in much the same way it was born manifested from a belief in choseness, holiness, and obligation. The Jewish nation has always found its grounding in the covenant whether in the times of Elijah or Hezekiah, Josiah or Nehemiah, the Maccabees or the Talmudic Sages [] all of these looked back to the founding charter of the covenant, not just as legitimation but as the grounding for their conception of the community of Israel and the unity of the Jewish people, which they sought to restore or deepen (Smith 2003, 63). It is on this sacred foundation that modern day Israel was also established. Nineteenth century political Zionism can be broken down into three competing schools of thought; (i) the Revisionist Zionists, (ii) the Labor Zionists, and (iii) the Religious Zionists. In many ways revisionist Zionism epitomizes what it means to be a covenant nation. Vladimir Zeev Jabotinsky, the founder of revisionist Zionism, believed that people are naturally born into nations and inherit its cultures and values. So to speak, individuals have very little choice regarding which nationalities they belong to. It was Jabotinskys belief that the Jews represent a particularly strong nation because despite the pressures of the Diaspora they always maintained their originality and distinctness(Dowty, 37). Furthermore, he insisted that the Jewish state be established in Palestine and trans-Jordan because it was the historical legacy of the Jews. On the other hand, Labor Zionism the most influential branch of Zionism at the time considered itself to be totally secular in nature. Aaron David Gordon, founder of Hapoel Hatzair, saw the Jewish life in the Diaspora as dependence and a lack of self-reliance. Building on German-Jewish philosopher Martin Bubers I and Thou, he sought to create a new covenant by reconnecting with the land using the religion of labor (Dowty, 39), and by replacing the old exiled Jew with a new self-reliant Jew. However, under the secular garb of Labor Zionism the language and intent of the original Abrahamic Covenant can be discerned (Smith 2003, 93). Ber Borochov, ideological founder of the Poalei Zion labor movement wrote that class struggles exist within national groups as well as between them, clearly acknowledging a difference between the Jewish nation and other peoples, and advocating an ethnic nationalism, rather than the more open and tolerant civic kind (Howe 2000, 236). For reasons such as th is he sought to establish a Jewish socialist state. It is important to note, however, that not any state would do for Labor Zionists the state was to be established in the Jewish homeland. To the point of emphasis, upon establishment of the state of Israel, David Ben-Gurion, the first Labor Prime Minister of Israel declared the uniqueness of the Hebrew people and the redemptive destiny of Israel on its own soil (Smith 2003, 92-93). In so doing he acknowledged Labor and Religious Zionism to be not only compatible, but complimentary. Religious Zionism was headed by Rabbi Abraham Isaac Kook. While it is the usual view that Zionism is a sin and alien culture, a non-Jewish way of life, and that Jews should only return to the Promised Land after messianic redemption, Kook claimed that enhancing attachment to the land is an obligation (Dowty, 44). Essentially, Kook is advocating preparing the land for redemption and salvation and suggests that the secular Zionists are doing holy work by settling the Promised Land. Clearly in all three branches of Zionism the tradition of the covenant remains critical the four deep seated cultural resources that define the covenant nation, namely; community, territory, history and destiny, permeate all of their raisons dà ªtre. By 1948, the underlying dimensions of the covenant nation return to fruition and again form a unifying and legitimizing tradition like in times past. From this tradition a realist strategic culture was born that has; (i) solid national support, (ii) outlived the era that gave it birth, (iii) entered the permanent lexicon of national discourse, and (iv) continued to resonate with a portion of public opinion even during times of relative peace. Biblically, historically and contemporarily time and again the covenant h